Esta obra está bajo una licencia de Creative Commons Reconocimiento-NoComercial-SinObraDerivada 3.0 Unported.
High point narrative structure in mother-child conversations about
the past and children’s emergent literacy skills in Costa Rica
Alison Sparks
1
Amherst College, U.S.A.
Abstract. The relationship between narrative coherence in mother-child conversations about past events and children’s
concurrent emergent literacy was examined in a sample of 32 Spanish-speaking, middle-class, Costa Rican mothers
and their preschoolers. Coherence, as expressed in the constituents of high point narrative structure, was measured in
reminiscing conversations about everyday events. Our purposes were twofold: 1) to see whether their co-constructed
narratives in talk about the past could be meaningfully examined for the constituents of high point narrative structure and
2) to explore the links between coherence in these narratives and children’s language and literacy skills. We found a full
range of the constituents of high point structure in these conversations, with more advanced forms of narrative structure
produced in conversations about the child’s misbehavior. Conversations about misbehavior events were most frequently
in the form of classic, high point narratives. In addition, a rich set of relationships between coherence in reminiscing
conversations and children’s language and literacy skills were observed. The results revealed similarities in the narrative
practices found in this middle-class sample in Costa Rica to both middle-class families in other parts of the world and to
conversation and cultural practices unique to Latino communities.
Key words: Parent-child conversations, reminiscing, autobiographical memory, narrative, culture, elaborations.
Resumen. Este estudio examina la relación entre el nivel de coherencia narrativa observado en conversaciones madre-
hijo sobre eventos pasados y el desarrollo de la alfabetización emergente de niños y niñas en una muestra constituida por 32
díadas costarricenses, de clase media, que utilizan el español como su lengua materna. Se determinó el nivel de coherencia
presente en estas conversaciones sobre eventos pasados para lograr dos propósitos: 1) identifi car si los elementos que
caracterizan las narraciones con estructura de punto álgido estaban o no presentes en dichas conversaciones, y 2) explorar
la relación entre el nivel de coherencia en dichas narraciones co-construidas y el desarrollo del lenguaje y la alfabetización
de los niños y las niñas de la muestra. Nuestros resultados señalan la presencia de un rango importante de elementos de
la narración con estructura de punto álgido en las conversaciones analizadas, encontrándose las formas más avanzadas
en las conversaciones sobre eventos pasados en las cuales el niño o la niña presentó un mal comportamiento. La mayor
parte de las conversaciones sobre mal comportamiento presentaron la estructura narrativa de punto álgido. Además, se
encontraron múltiples correlaciones entre los niveles de coherencia narrativa de las reminiscencias y el nivel de desarrollo
del lenguaje y la alfabetización de los niños y las niñas. Como tal, los resultados apuntan tanto a similitudes entre las
prácticas narrativas encontradas en la muestra participante y las prácticas de familias de clase media en otras latitudes, así
como también particularidades en las prácticas narrativas de las comunidades Latinas.
Palabras clave: reminiscencia, desarrollo narrativo, coherencia, alfabetización emergente, Costa Rica, Latinos.
Actualidades en Psicología, 27(115), 2013, 93-111
ISSN 2215-3535
1
Alison Sparks, Amherst College. E-mail: asparks@amherst.edu
2
Ana M. Carmiol, Universidad de Costa Rica. E-mail: ana.carmiol@ucr.ac.cr
3
Marcela Ríos, Universidad de Costa Rica. E-mail: marcela.rios@ucr.ac.cr
Postal address: Amherst College, Psychology Department, Box 2236, Amherst, Massachusetts, 01002, U.S.A.
Ana M. Carmiol
2
Marcela Ríos
3
Universidad de Costa Rica, Costa Rica
Acknowledgments: Portions of this paper were presented at the 2013 Biennal Meeting of the Society for Research in Child Development,
Seattle, United States. We would like to thank the participating families. Thanks to Javier Tapia, Mariano Rosabal and Renata Villers for
their valuable comments and suggestions throughout the development of the study, and to Meliza Quirós for her help with data coding.
Funding: This research was supported by Vicerrectoría de Investigación, Universidad de Costa Rica.
Alison Sparks, Ana M. Carmiol and Marcela Ríos
Actualidades en Psicología, 27(115), 2013, 93-111
94
Introduction
As caregivers and children reminisce, they
participate in a social context that enriches
children’s abilities across developmental domains.
Parent-child discussions about meaningful past
events have a signifi cant impact on children’s
cognitive-linguistic development, including
children’s early literacy skills (Leyva, Sparks, &
Reese, 2012; Reese, 1995; Sparks & Reese, 2013)
and their socio-emotional understanding (Laible,
2004; Leyva, Berrocal, & Nolivos, 2013; Van
Bergen & Salmon, 2010). Some of the earliest
research focusing on family reminiscing between
middle-class, European-American mothers and
children examined the emergence of high-
point narrative structure (Peterson & McCabe,
1983) in the development of children’s narrative
skill. During conversations with parents about
signifi cant past events, children between the
ages of 3-6 from these families learn to tell
high-point narratives, i.e., stories that introduce
a complicating event that leads to a high point,
and then provide a resolution. Moreover,
ethnographic studies have documented the
signifi cance of learning to tell these kinds
of stories for successful communication and
learning at school (Heath, 1983; Michaels, 1981).
Findings from research on the ways Latino
children are socialized to tell personal stories
highlight the impact of the child’s home culture
on their narrative development, suggesting that
their stories are structured differently from
those told by children from mainstream, middle-
class families (Carmiol & Sparks, in press; Melzi,
2000). Very little research has focused on the role
of high-point narrative structure in reminiscing
conversations and associated outcomes for
children from Latino families. Nevertheless,
some studies indicate that Latino children’s
personal narratives display elements of high-
point narrative structure (Wishard, 2008; Uccelli,
2008), which is typically associated with school
discourse in children from non-mainstream
backgrounds. In the work presented here, we
will explore family reminiscing conversations in
middle-class Costa Rican mother-child dyads to
see whether 1) the constituents of high-point
narrative structure emerge in their discussions
about past events and 2) to explore the links
between narrative coherence (as expressed in the
constituents of high-point narrative structure
within dyadic reminiscing conversations) and
children’s emergent literacy skills.
High Point Structure in Personal Narratives
A personal narrative is a recount of past
events experienced by the narrator or by
someone the narrator knows (Labov, 1972,
Peterson & McCabe, 1983). In Labov and
Waletsky’s narrative framework, the minimal
requirements for a narrative are two events that
are linked by a temporal marker; though, a true
narrative is not only a string of events, but it
must also contain orientations such as the who,
what, where, and when of the story, as well as
evaluative information that reveals the narrator’s
perspective on the story plot. Labov (1972)
proposed a prototypical scheme for narrative
structure that all stories draw upon and can be
used to understand any oral account of lived
personal experience: personal narratives are
organized to contain orienting information, a
complicating event, which leads to a high point,
and then some kind of resolution, and a coda.
The coda wraps the story up, with a sense of a
lesson learned, but is not as essential as the other
constituents of high-point structure. Labov and
Waletsky noticed that not all narratives contain
the complete structure, but are constructed from
pieces of the model.
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95
Drawing upon the Labovian scheme for
narrative structure, Peterson and McCabe (1983)
observed the emergence of storytelling in
parent-child discourse over time. Their focus was
on the socialization of children’s narrative skills:
How do children learn to recount meaningful
past events? They looked to reminiscing as a
conversation context that was ripe for observing
how children learned to become skilled personal
storytellers and how parents contributed to
that process. As they examined conversations
between mothers and children in samples of
middle-class, European-American children,
the stories revealed a clear developmental
progression in which a mature narrative, one
that orients the listener to the who, what, where,
and when of the event, builds to a high point
and then resolves in some way, was mastered by
middle-class children at about 6 years of age.
Moreover, Peterson and McCabe (1983)
found that before children developed the skills
for telling a classic narrative, they told stories
that were simpler in form and included some
features of high-point structure, but not all. On
the way to telling classic, high point narratives,
three patterns of narrative were observed:
leapfrog, chronological, and ending-at-high-
point narratives. All together, these four styles
accounted for the personal stories told by the
children in their sample, whose ages ranged
from 3-and-a half to 9-and-a half years of age.
Peterson and McCabe (1983) classifi ed some
of the earliest stories children told as leapfrog
narratives because the narrator jumps from
event to event with no sense of what may be an
essential story element or sequence of the events.
This kind of narrative was typically observed in
children at very early stages of narration and
usually disappeared by four-and-a-half-years of
age. Chronological narratives are stories that
consist of a proper sequence of events, but with
no high point or perspective included; these
stories have no evaluative markers and serve only
to recapitulate a series of events (e.g., a story
about a vacation trip). Chronological narratives
were typical of four-year-old children, but were
observed at all ages. The narrator reports events
that are chronologically sequenced and build to
a high point. Ending-at-high-point narratives
include all of the components of a classic
narrative, only the resolution is missing. McCabe
and Peterson found this to be most frequently
observed in 5-year-old children. One aim of
this study is to see whether high-point narrative
structure typically observed in stories told by
children from middle-class, European-American
families can be found in the narratives produced
in reminiscing conversations in Costa Rican
families from middle-class backgrounds.
Links Between High Point Narrative and School
Experience
High point narrative is a canonical form
of storytelling for middle-class children from
European-American backgrounds. Narrative
development within this cultural group tends to
nurture the ability to tell independent stories that
are tightly organized and centered on a single and
clearly identifi able topic (Melzi, 2000; Michaels
& Cook-Gumperz, 1979). A pervasive fi nding in
studies of reminiscing in middle-class families
is that the narrative contributions of adults are
aimed at stimulating the child’s ability to tell high-
point stories that focus on and extend a single
event. The use of high-point narrative structure
is believed to facilitate communication and
success from the earliest school experiences in
which children acquire the language and literacy
they will need to succeed in later academic work.
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This style has important implications for school
success, where topic-centered narratives are the
preferred discourse genre, and knowledge and
acquaintance with this privileged style facilitates
communication and learning (Feagans & Ferran,
1982; Heath, 1983; Michaels, 1981).
Reminiscing and Emergent Literacy
Emergent literacy, the skills, knowledge, and
attitudes that are developmental precursors to
reading and writing (Whitehurst & Lonigan,
1998), is initially acquired at home in social
interactions between caregivers and children.
Reminiscing is an everyday home activity
practiced in cultures throughout the world in
which parents scoffold their children’s ability
to narrate personal stories (Miller, Potts, Fung,
Hoogstra, & Mintz, 1990).
Reminiscing provides
a conversation context for children to learn
decontextualized language skills, the ability to
represent and convey experience purely through
linguistic means without resort to surrounding
context to support the narration. Snow (1983)
suggested that as children learn to use language
to construct the world without the support
of the present environment, they develop
knowledge that will help them to understand
the world of print.
Several studies have demonstrated strong
links between parent-child participation in
elaborative conversations about past events and
children’s language and literacy skills, specifi cally
between mother’s elaborative comments
and questions while reminiscing with their
preschoolers and children’s emerging vocabulary,
story comprehension, narrative quality, and
early literacy skills. These relationships have
been observed longitudinally in a middle-class
sample of families in the U.S. (Reese, 1995)
and concurrently (Sparks & Reese, 2013) and
longitudinally (Leyva, Sparks, & Reese, 2012)
in low-income and linguistically diverse families
in a U.S. sample as well. In Reese’s (1995)
longitudinal study of European-American
mothers and their children (3-5 years of age),
mother-child reminiscing over the preschool
years was a more powerful predictor of children’s
language and literacy skills at 70 months than talk
during book reading. In a study that examined
relationships between reminiscing conversations
in linguistically and ethnically diverse families
from low-income backgrounds, Sparks and
Reese (2013) found that mothers’ elaborative
questions and comments while reminiscing about
behavior-related events were uniquely related to
children’s concurrent story comprehension and
print concepts. In a longitudinal study from
the same diverse sample of families, mother’s
elaborations while reminiscing, but not during
book-reading practices, predicted preschoolers’
phonological awareness skills at the end of
preschool, even after controlling for beginning-
of-preschool phonological and vocabulary skills,
and demographic variables (Leyva, Sparks, &
Reese, 2012). The present study is the fi rst to
examine the relationship between mother-child
reminiscing and children’s language and literacy
skills in middle-class, Spanish-speaking families
from Costa Rica.
Prior studies linking reminiscing and
early literacy learning, suggest that mother’s
elaborations are a signifi cant force behind
children’s emerging language and print-based
skills. Mother’s elaborations are also closely
related to developing high-point narrative
structure. Elaborative questions (interrogatives
that anticipate the who, what, where, and
when of the story) and comments (that add
information to extend the child’s contributions)
can be viewed as the mechanism for learning to
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97
include the narrative components of high-point
structure. Thus, mothers support children in the
construction of high-point narratives through
the use of elaborative questions and comments.
Cultural Differences in Reminiscing and Narrative
Structure
Variations in conversation practices provide
a window into cultural values surrounding
children’s socialization (Heath, 2006). High-point
narrative may be a preferred form of story-telling
in middle-class, mainstream cultures; however, it
is well established that caregivers from different
cultural backgrounds engage children in talk
about the past in different ways (Scheiffelin &
Eisenberg, 1984), refl ecting cultural differences
in parental values for child rearing and broader
socialization goals for their children (Melzi,
2000; Wang 2004). Daily engagement in routines,
like reminiscing, provides a pathway for learning
expected behavioral norms (Zucker & Howes,
2009). Narrative practices such as reminiscing,
constitute an arena in which children learn and
practice the necessary linguistic skills for narrative
development; at the same time, reminiscing is a
context in which children acquire the necessary
cultural knowledge to become competent
members of their community (Carmiol &
Sparks, in press).
In a study that compared Anglo and Peruvian
working-class mothers in talk about the past with
their 4-year-old children, Melzi (2000) found
that Peruvian mothers asked questions that were
focused on increasing children’s participation
in conversation, while their Anglo counterparts
asked questions that were focused on helping
children to tell stories that were topic centered
and included the many features that are markers
of canonical narrative structure. These mothers
helped children to focus on a single past event
and to shape a story into a sequentially ordered
and tightly constructed narrative.
Silva and McCabe (1996) observed that the
sequence of events was often less prominent
in personal stories told by Spanish-speaking
children in the United States. They noted
that Latino narratives are often about family
members and relationships within the family and
that these recounts were more concerned with
the details of a story than providing a sequential
account of events. Silva and McCabe concluded
that Latinos told stories with a preference for
description and evaluation over linear structure.
In another study of personal narratives
produced by children, Rodino, Gimbert, Pérez
and McCabe (1991) found that the personal
stories told by Latino children did not focus
on a chronologically organized description of
the actions involved in the event. This study
compared personal narratives told by 6- and
7-year-old African-American, Anglo-American
and Latino children and the results showed that
Latino narratives included fewer temporally
linked clauses describing the actions involved
in the event than the African-American and
the Anglo narratives. Instead, Latino narratives
included descriptions of single actions, not
sequences of actions, and those descriptions
were preceded and followed by contextualizing
utterances and evaluations.
Uccelli (2008) compared the personal
narratives of Spanish-speaking Andean
preschoolers and fi rst graders and their English-
speaking Anglo-American counterparts and
found further evidence for a lack of emphasis
on the temporal and sequential aspect of Latino
narratives, though she found that Andean school-
age children told narratives that contained high-
point structure as well. In fact, both groups were
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98
able to construct sequential narratives, organized
according to the logical succession of events and
both groups also told non-sequential narratives,
where the line of the story departed from a linear
succession of events. Uccelli found two patterns
in the non-sequential narratives in both groups:
in partial departures, children used reported
speech and short abstracts that did not disrupt
the logical succession of events in drastic ways;
and they used non-sequential narratives, called
full departures, where the logical sequence was
drastically violated through the introduction of
fl ashbacks and foreshadowing. Interestingly, this
latter kind of non-sequential narrative was more
common among the older children from the
Andean sample. Her study suggests that after a
few years in school, children display a repertoire
of narrative skills, some the product of home
culture and others that incorporate canonical
forms of storytelling that may be learned at
home or at school.
In a study that broadened the scope of
conversational topics during past event talk,
Sparks (2008) found that when Latino parents
from low-income families reminisced with
their preschool-age children in four contexts (a
shared and unshared event; and a misbehavior
and a good behavior event), talk about past
misbehavior had the strongest associations with
their children’s independent personal stories
told to an unfamiliar researcher. In initiating talk
about past misbehavior, the mothers specifi cally
oriented the event to time and place, modeling
the importance of contextual information
at the outset of the story and their children
generalized these contextualizing markers to
their independent storytelling. Sparks concluded
that conversations about misbehavior may be a
special context for Latino parent’s expression
of socialization goals for children. For Latino
mothers, reminiscing about misbehavior may
provide a context to instruct their child about
appropriate behavior and proper demeanor in
social relationships. Our study was designed
to further examine whether reminiscing about
behavior-related events, especially about
misbehavior, is a signifi cant context for children’s
development in middle-class Costa Rican
families, particularly for children’s language,
narrative, and literacy learning. We wondered
whether reminiscing about past misdeeds
affords parents the opportunity to teach children
expected behavioral norms.
All together, these studies support a
cultural bias in which the sequential/temporal
dimension is a less salient feature of narratives
told by Latinos than in other cultural groups
(Silva & McCabe, 1996). Much of this research
suggests that children from Latino backgrounds
learn some elements of high-point narrative in
family conversation (particularly orientations
and evaluations), though there appears to be
less emphasis on the temporal organization of a
story. Furthermore, talk about misbehavior may
be a special context for learning to tell coherent
stories that express family values for appropriate
behavior and thus have a signifi cant impact on
Latino children’s early language and literacy.
High Point Narrative Structure and Latino Family
Reminiscing
Most of the studies on Latino children’s
narrative development reviewed here
demonstrated unique cultural practices within
family reminiscing conversations and children’s
narrative production. Only one study analyzed
Latino family reminiscing conversations for
the presence of high-point narrative structure.
Wishard (2008) examined the co-construction
of personal narratives in conversations between
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99
Mexican-American mothers and children (3-5
years of age) from low-income families for the
inclusion of high-point structure. She placed
an emphasis on reminiscing as a dyadic context
for meaning-making, in which both parent and
child play a role in constructing a story. She
found a range of structures demonstrating that
the children’s narratives became increasingly
coherent over time. The most common narrative
form produced by 4-year-old children in her
study was the chronological narrative (in which
the story includes several events ordered with a
linear sense of time, but no high point, evaluation,
or conclusion are included) and to a lesser extent
children produced leapfrog narratives and classic
high-point narratives at this age. There have been
no studies that explore high-point structure in
reminiscing conversations in Spanish-speaking
families from middle-class backgrounds. This
study is meant to fi ll that gap.
In doing so, we use Wishard’s dyadic coding
scheme to examine reminiscing conversations
between middle-class, Costa Rican mothers and
their preschool-age children for the constituents
of high point-narrative structure. One aim
of this study is to see whether the narratives
produced by middle-class, Costa Rican mothers
and children could be meaningfully analyzed
with the constituents of narrative originally set
forth in the work of McCabe and Peterson. We
expect to fi nd similar links observed in prior
research between mother’s elaborative questions
and comments, and children’s language and
literacy development. However, in this instance,
we expect to fi nd those relationships between
the constituents of high-point structure and
children’s concurrent language and literacy skills.
We made the following predictions:
H1. Following Wishard (2008), and Peterson
and McCabe (1983), these four-year-old
children will produce a range of narrative
forms made of the constituents of high-point
narrative structure.
H2. The predominant narrative form observed
will be the chronological narrative (Wishard,
2008).
H3. Increasing coherence observed in narrative
structure in conversation about past events will
be positively related to children’s language and
literacy skills (similar to Leyva, Sparks, & Reese,
2012; Reese, 1995; Sparks & Reese, 2013).
H4. The strongest relationships between high-
point narrative structure and children’s language
and literacy will be observed in the context of
talk about misbehavior (similar to Sparks, 2008).
Method
Design and Procedure
A female researcher met each dyad twice at
their home or at the child’s daycare center or
preschool. Each meeting lasted an average of
40 minutes. In the fi rst session, mothers read
and signed a consent form and completed a
sociodemographic form. They also created a list
of recently experienced events in their child’s
life. They were instructed to discuss 4 of these
events with their child. In the second session,
children completed a comprehensive assessment
of language and literacy.
Participants
Thirty-two children (17 girls; 15 boys; mean
age 4;4, range: 4;0-4;11) and their mothers
participated in the study. They lived in urban
neighborhoods and were from middle class
homes. All mothers but one had completed
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100
college, (7%, incomplete college education).
Most of the mothers in the sample (47%) had
a licenciatura degree, with some mothers having
bachelors (33%) and masters degrees (13%).
All participants were native Spanish speakers.
Ninety-three percent of the children were
enrolled in some kind of preschool program at
the time of the assessment.
Parent-child narratives
Mothers were asked to remember recent
past events that were unique and salient in the
child’s life. A list was created that included: 1) a
shared event (one that the parent and child had
experienced); 2) an unshared event (one in which
the child had recently participated without the
parent); 3) a misbehavior event; and 4) a good
behavior event. We expected these four events
to represent a range of contexts for reminiscing
that have been observed across class and
culture in other studies (for further discussion,
see Sparks & Reese, 2013). Mothers were told
to interact with their child as they normally do
while engaging in this kind of activity. Dyads
were left alone in the room to complete this task
and the conversations were audiotaped.
The reminiscing conversations were
transcribed and coded for high point structure in
each of the 4 contexts for talk for each dyad in
the study. The narratives were coded for overall
coherence using a coding scheme adapted by
Wishard (2008) from Peterson and McCabe
(1983) and based on Labov (1972). This coding
system considers the participation of both the
mother and child, with each narrative receiving
a single code based on an 8-point scheme (See
Table 1) that captured the variability of narrative
structures produced by children in previous
studies (see Table 3). Intercoder reliability
was established with two Spanish-speaking
independent judges on 25% of the transcripts.
They obtained intraclass correlations of r = .77.
Disagreements were resolved and the remaining
narratives were coded by one of the judges.
Table 1
Dyadic Coding for High Point Story Structure (Wishard, 2008)
1. Unsuccessful attempt Child refused to engage in narrative interaction.
2. Present tense description Child and mother engage in a present-tense description of an immediate
activity.
3. One-event Narrative includes one past-tense event.
4. Two-event Narrative includes only two past-tense events.
5. Leapfrog Narrative includes more than two past-tense events, but the order of
events does not mirror the sequence in which the events occured.
6. Chronologcial Narrative includes more than two past-tense events and events are in
chronological sequence, but there is no concentration of evaluative
comments or highpoint.
7. End at highpoint Narrative includes more than two past-tense events and a highpoint, but
there is no resolution.
8. Classic Narrative includes more than two past-tense events, a high point, and a
resolution.
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Child language and literacy assessment. The
Vocabulario sobre Dibujos Woodcock-Muñoz
subtest (Woodcock & Muñoz, 1996) was used to
assess receptive and express vocabulary skills for
single words in Spanish. The Spanish version
of Clay’s Concepts about Print (Clay, 1979)
was adapted to measure the child’s conceptual
knowledge about print. Questions 1-9 and 11
were used because those items did not require
decoding skills (Sénéchal, LeFevre, Thomas,
& Daley, 1998). Decoding of individual letters
and single words were measured with the
Identifi cación de Letras y Palabras subtest of
the Woodcock-Muñoz battery (Woodcock &
Muñoz, 1996).
Story retelling. As a measure of story
comprehension (adapted from Reese, 1995),
researchers read children an unfamiliar story,
the Spanish edition of Peter’s Chair (La Silla
de Pedro, Keats, 1996) and then asked six
comprehension questions. The questions were
designed to measure recall of facts about the
characters and setting, and the ability to make
simple inferences about character motivation
and story plot.
Narrative Quality. After the children answered
the story comprehension questions, a puppet
not previously visible was introduced. The child
was then asked to retell the storybook to the
puppet. The researcher assisted the children in
retelling the story by turning the pages of the
book and encouraging the child with generic
questions or supportive comments (e.g., What’s
happening here? or “Tell me more.”), but
avoided elaborating on the child’s retelling. The
retelling was recorded and transcribed. The
transcribed narratives were coded for memory
units and narrative quality (adapted from Reese,
1995; Reese, Sparks, Suggate, 2012).
Initially, the text of the storybook was divided
into 42 propositions. The text propositions were
matched to units of information gleaned from
the child’s transcript of the retelling (which
ranged from 1 to 40 propositions). One point
was issued for each text proposition provided
by the child. Each proposition was then coded
for narrative quality, which included markers of
evaluation, cohesion and literary language that
were additional to those provided by the text.
Children received one point for each example of
narrative quality in each information unit. Coding
of number of memory units and narrative quality,
was completed by two independent judges for
25% of the story retelling task sample. Inter-
rater agreements were calculated for memory
units and narrative quality (Cohen’s ƙ = .86
and .80 for memory units and narrative quality,
respectively).
Disagreements were resolved and
the remaining narratives were coded by one
of the judges. As a control for length of each
story retelling on the overall narrative quality
score, the total of the narrative quality points
were divided by the number of propositions
the child provided in order to create a narrative
quality score for each participant. This score
represents the average narrative quality score
per proposition produced by the participant
during the retelling. Only the narrative quality
scores controlled for length were used in the
analyses herein.
Results
Descriptive Statistics
Asymmetry and kurtosis for all the variables
were examined using protocols set out by
Tabachnick and Fidell (2006). Children’s scores
in the decoding task presented a positive
asymmetry. To reduce skewness decoding scores
were then transformed using the square root.
Alison Sparks, Ana M. Carmiol and Marcela Ríos
Actualidades en Psicología, 27(115), 2013, 93-111
102
Table 2 displays the descriptive statistics for
the children’s language and literacy measures
and the high-point narrative structure for
the entire sample. The mean standard score
on vocabulary fell within the average for the
normative sample, with a broad array of scores
for individual children, some of them placing
in the exceptionally high range. Children’s
scores on the measure of story comprehension
produced quite a range, with most children
able to name characters and recall story events,
though answering the higher-order questions
requiring predictions or inferences posed more
of a challenge to this age group.
Table 3 presents the percentage of types
of narrative structure found in the stories
observed in the four contexts for reminiscing.
The mothers and children produced the entire
range of narrative structures, from present-
tense description to classic narratives, within the
four conversation contexts. Narrative structures
within talk about good behavior, were a bit
more constrained than talk in the other three
contexts, with no unsuccessful attempts or
present tense narrations observed. The most
common narrative structure produced was the
Table 2
Descriptive Statistics: Assessment of Language and
Literacy
N M SD
Range
Language Skills
Vocabulary 32 23.56 2.2 18-29
Story Comp 32 3.8 1.6 0-6
Narrative Quality 32 15.94 10.1 1-40
Literacy Skills
Decoding 31 1.94 .82 0-3.5
Print Concepts 32 6.8 1.8 3-10
chronological narrative. In the shared, unshared,
and misbehavior contexts, mothers and children
told stories that recounted several events related
to a single topic that contained some sense of
sequence, but did not build to a high point with
a resolution. In the misbehavior context, the
classic narrative was the most common structure
produced, as 28% of these narratives were in
the form of a classic high-point narrative. With
the addition of 18.8% of the stories classifi ed
as end-at-high-point structure to the classic
narratives, almost half of the stories told about
misbehavior were constructed using narrative
structures that are more typically observed in
older children.
Correlational analyses
To further analyze the relationship between
high-point narrative structure and children’s
language and literacy development, partial
correlations between the high-point narrative
structure coding for reminiscing conversations
and child language and literacy measures were
carried out (see Table 4), controlling for child
age and mother’s level of education (because
these were correlated with several of the
language and literacy measures). Given the
close association between talk about shared
and unshared events (r = .49, p < .01) and
discussions of misbehavior and good behavior
events (r = .56, p < .01), two additional variables
were created: 1) combining shared and unshared
events, which have been widely explored in
samples of European-Amercian samples (for
review see Fivush, Haden, & Reese, 2006); and 2)
combining the misbehavior and good behavior
contexts to represent talk about behavior-related
events, which have been studied in other socio-
cultural contexts, from working-class children
in Baltimore, United States (Miller et al., 1990)
Narrative Structure and Emergent Literacy
Actualidades en Psicología, 27(115), 2013, 93-111
103
Table 3
High Point Story Structure in 4 Reminiscing Contexts (Percentage of Each Type)
Reminiscing Context
Type of
structure
Shared
(n = 32)
Unshared
(n = 32)
Misbehavior
(n = 32)
Good Behavior
(n = 32)
Unsuccessful 6.3 3.1 3.1 0
Present Tense 0 3.1 3.1 0
One-Event 6.3 6.3 15.6 28.1
Two-Event 18.8 15.6 21.9 12.5
Leapfrog 0 0 0 3.1
Chronological 46.9
a
43.8
a
9.4 34.4
a
End at HP 6.3 9.4 18.8 9.4
Classic 15.6 18.8 28.1
a
12.5
Note.
a
Most common structure produced by children at 4 years of age.
to middle-class families from Taiwan and China
(Miller, Wiley, Fung, & Liang, 1997; Wang, 2001).
A rich set of relationships was observed
between children’s complex language and literacy
skills, and narrative structure. Vocabulary stood
out as the least related to narrative structure in
the reminiscing conversations, with a moderate
link to talk in the unshared context (r = .43, p
< .05) and to a lesser extent in the combined
shared and unshared context (r = .35, p < .05).
Signifi cant correlations were found between
complex measures of child language in story
comprehension and structure in the shared (r =
.39, p <.05) and the combined variable, talk about
shared/unshared events (r = .37, p < .05), and
in all of the behavior-related contexts, including
misbehavior, (r = .40, p < .05), good behavior (r =
.39, p < .05), and combined behavior (r = .45, p
< .01). Narrative quality was signifi cantly related
to talk in the unshared context (r = .43, p < .05)
and in the combined variable, talk about shared
and unshared events (r = .47, p < 01). Within
Table 4
Partial Correlations Among Emergent Literacy Measures and High Point Narrative Structure (Controlling
for Mother’s Education and Child Age)
Reminiscing Context
Type of
structure
Shared Unshared Misbehavior
Good
Behavior
Shared
Unshared
Combined
Behavior
Vocabulary .27 .43* .16 .16 .35* .18
Story Comprehension .39* .19 .40* .39* .37* .45**
Narrative Quality .35 .43* .24 .01 .47** .16
Decoding .19 .27 .34 .21 .25 .32
Print Concepts .37* .46** .51** .18 .51** .42*
* = p < .05. ** = p < .01.
Alison Sparks, Ana M. Carmiol and Marcela Ríos
Actualidades en Psicología, 27(115), 2013, 93-111
104
resulted in talk about specifi c memories of good
deeds, suggesting that children fi nd this topic of
conversation highly engaging.
Our results reveal that high-point structure
and its developmental precursors are embedded
in past event conversations between middle-
class mothers and children in Costa Rica. This is
especially signifi cant because these children are
at the outset of preschool and so their stories do
not yet refl ect the impact of formal schooling.
The children observed here are learning to
construct stories using high-point narrative
structure in conversations with their mothers at
home. Only Wishard’s study (2008) examined
high-point structure and included four-year-old
Latinos from Spanish-English speaking bilingual
families from low-income backgrounds. The
mothers and children in Wishard’s study
produced a similar range of high-point narratives,
as did middle-class, four-year-old children telling
personal stories (Peterson & McCabe, 1983).
Our fi ndings also support Uccelli’s view of a
repertoire of learned narrative skills for Latino
children, that include stories that focus more on
evaluation and less on temporality in some cases,
and in others, narratives that embrace high-point
narrative structure.
As in Wishard’s study of Latino dyads from
low-income families in the South West of the
U. S., the most common structure produced by
four-year-olds while reminiscing about personal
events, was the chronological narrative. Peterson
and McCabe (1983) also found that chronological
narratives were often told by four-year-old
children (23%), though leapfrog narratives were
the most commonly used structure (29%) at four
years in their corpus of stories. Further research
is needed to explore whether the chronological
narrative is uniquely associated with four-year-
print-based skills, there were no signifi cant
relationships between children’s decoding skills
and high-point narrative structure. However, the
strongest relationships were observed between
children’s conceptual knowledge about print and
narrative structure in the shared (r = .37, p < .05);
unshared (r = .46 , p < .01); misbehavior (r = .51,
p < .01); in the combined shared and unshared
context (r = .51, p < .01); and the combined
behavior context (r = .42, p < .05). Overall,
the strongest set of relationships was found in
combined talk about shared and unshared events,
where only decoding did not reach signifi cance.
Signifi cant correlations were observed between
high-point structure in narratives about shared
and unshared events and vocabulary (r = .35, p
= .05), story comprehension (r = .37, p < .05),
narrative quality (r = .47, p < .01), and print
concepts (r = .51, p < .01).
Discussion
The percentages for the types of narrative
structure observed in the four reminiscing
contexts confi rmed both our fi rst and second
hypotheses. Similar to the work of Wishard
(2008) and Peterson and McCabe (1983),
these four-year-old children produced all
of the constituent forms of high-point
narrative structure, ranging from present-tense
descriptions to the classic high-point narratives.
This fi nding was somewhat surprising given
that previous studies of reminiscing in Latino
dyads have revealed signifi cant differences
in the structure and content of narrative of
preschool-age children. During talk about good
behavior, mothers and children produced a
slightly more restricted range of structures,
with no unsuccessful attempts or present-tense
descriptions (scripted talk) observed. All of the
mothers’ bids to talk about good behavior events
Narrative Structure and Emergent Literacy
Actualidades en Psicología, 27(115), 2013, 93-111
105
may provide the perfect content for expression
in high-point structure. In other words, the core
of high-point structure matches the content
of a story about misbehavior, which always
includes specifi c events that lead to a crisis that
necessitate some kind of resolution. In this
case, the content and structure of narrative are
similar and probably mutually facilitative for
children’s narrative productions. Future research
that focuses on reminiscing about misbehavior
and behavior-related events is needed to see
whether the prevalence of high-point narratives
in talk about misbehavior is a unique expression
of Latino family stories and cultural values, or
if family discussion about misbehavior also
facilitates high-point narrative structure at a
relatively early age in other cultural groups.
Appendix 2 contains a sample of a mother-
child conversation in the misbehavior context
about a time that the child pinched a friend
at school. As the two reminisce, the mother
provides much of the orienting information
and the evaluation and the child recounts many
of the story events. At the high point, the child
divulges that he not only pinched a friend, but he
also broke the skin in doing so. The resolution,
when the teacher asks him to leave the classroom
and then allows him to return, is reported by the
child as well. This story also includes a coda, in
which the mother insists that the child recount
a lesson learned - that it is better not to pinch
your friend. This kind of dydadic coda has been
observed in talk about past events in middle-
class families from Taiwan (Miller, Wiley, Fung,
& Liang, 1997) and is part of Labov’s original
narrative framework as well.
Our third hypothesis was borne out in the
correlational analysis between the narrative
structure coding and children’s language and
old children from Spanish-speaking cultures or
it is a universally preferred form of narration at
four-years across cultural contexts.
It is particularly interesting that Costa Rican
mothers and children attain such a high level
of coherence in their past event conversations
about misbehavior. The most common structure
in stories told about misbehavior was the classic
narrative, with 28% told in a classic structure
that included a high-point and a resolution
(See Appendix 2 for an example of a high
point narrative in a mother-child conversation
about misbehavior). This fi nding is all the more
surprising given prior work in which classic
narrative structure was not typically produced
until 6-7 years (Peterson & McCabe, 1983;
Wishard, 2008). The Costa Rican children in
our sample appear to be quite precocious in
their ability to formulate stories with high-point
structure about events related to misbehavior.
These advanced forms of story telling observed
in conversations about transgressions add
further support to previous work that singled
out talk about children’s behavior as a culturally
salient topic of conversation for Latinos (Sparks,
2008). Research exploring parental attitudes and
beliefs about child socialization has found that
Latino parents (across social classes) place a high
value on the importance of sustaining positive
relationships with others and acceptance by the
community (Harwood, Miller, Irizarry, 1995;
Reese, Balzano, Gallimore, & Goldenberg,
1995). In our sample, these values are expressed
in mother-child conversations about past
misbehavior. While reminiscing, these Costa
Rican mothers appear to impart values and
beliefs about appropriate forms of behavior.
It seems important to acknowledge that
family discussions about children’s misconduct
Alison Sparks, Ana M. Carmiol and Marcela Ríos
Actualidades en Psicología, 27(115), 2013, 93-111
106
literacy measures. We found that increasing
coherence observed in narrative structure in
conversation about past events was positively
related to children’s language and literacy
skills (similar to Leyva, Sparks, & Reese, 2012;
Reese, 1995; Sparks & Reese, 2013), especially
to children’s complex language and their
understanding of print concepts. Together,
these fi ndings suggest that engaging in talk
about past events fasciliates specifi c kinds of
linguistic skill, especially story comprehension
and narrative quality. These skills draw upon
receptive and expressive language abilities,
challenging the child to understand lengthy
dialogue across many turns and to formulate
discourse so that the meaning of a story is
conveyed clearly to the audience. In this way,
reminiscing provides a bridge between children’s
early developing linguistic skills (like vocabulary)
and their emerging complex language skills
(story comprehension and narrative quality),
that are crucial for learning to read.
Contrary to our fi nal prediction, that the
strongest relationships between high-point
narrative structure and children’s language
and literacy would be observed in the context
of talk about misbehavior, we found the most
robust set of relationships between language
and literacy in the combined shared and
unshared context. More than any of the other
conversational contexts, talk about shared and
unshared events was associated with children’s
language and literacy. It was the only context
in which all of the relationships to language
were signifi cant and the link to literacy, through
print concepts, was the strongest correlation
in the set. These associations provide further
evidence for the many benefi ts of reminiscing
about shared and unshared events for children’s
cognitive-linguistic development that have
been demonstrated in studies of middle-class,
European-American families (Fivush, Haden,
& Reese, 2006). Middle-class children in Costa
Rica, like their counterparts in other areas of
the world, participate in this rich conversation
format as they recount everyday events in talk
with their mothers.
The moderate correlations between print
concepts and high-point structure observed
in the unshared, misbehavior, and in the two
combined conversation contexts are noteworthy
in that they replicate several studies that have
found a link between mother-child reminiscing
conversations and children’s literacy related
skills (Leyva, Sparks, & Reese, 2012; Reese,
1995; Sparks & Reese, 2013). Snow (1983)
suggested that decontextualized language, the
use of language to construct the world without
the support of the on-going environment, is
linked to the conceptual knowledge needed for
early reading. She also observed that parent-
child conversations about past events were
a rich context for children to practice using
decontextualized forms of language. Another
explanation for this counterintuitive fi nding
may be that parents’ elaborative reminiscing
promotes children’s abstract thinking, which
may then generalize beyond conversation to a
variety of domains, including print skills (Leyva,
Reese, & Wiser, 2011); or perhaps children who
are more advanced in their abstract thinking,
are able to capitalize on incidental learning to
more readily acquire print skills (Sparks & Reese,
2013). It is also possible that future research
will uncover other mediating factors in the
relationship between reminiscing conversations
and children’s print knowledge that we have not
included here.
Narrative Structure and Emergent Literacy
Actualidades en Psicología, 27(115), 2013, 93-111
107
The total lack of observed links between
high-point narrative structure and decoding
skills suggests that parents in this sample may
not engage in teaching children to name letters,
and that decoding is a skill that will be acquired
soon enough at school, as these 4-year-olds are
just embarking on their preschool experience.
Parents in this study were not asked to report
on teaching practices, so it was not possible to
explore relationships between parent teaching
and children’s literacy skills. A longitudinal
study is needed to explore the origins of Costa
Rican children’s decoding skills and to plot the
integration of decoding with other literacy and
narrative skills over time.
Finally, our study suggests that both talk
about misbehavior and talk about shared and
unshared events make an important contribution
to middle-class children’s developing language
and literacy skills in Spanish-speaking, Costa
Rican families. These children resemble their
middle-class counterparts in other areas of the
world in that they are learning to use high-point
narrative structure in talk about everyday shared
and unshared events as they reminisce with
their mothers at home. Presumably, engaging
in telling these kinds of stories, will bestow the
same social and academic advantages that have
been observed in samples of children from
European-American families; though, more
research is needed to examine the connections
between remisnicing in Latino families and
associated outcomes for children. At the same
time, the advanced forms of story structure
observed in reminiscing about misbehavior
supports the view that talk about behavior,
particularly misbehavior, appears to be an
important context for communicating parental
attitudes and values in Latino families. This too,
deserves the attention of future research, to see
whether talk about misbehavior fascilitates high-
point narratives in four-year-old children from
other cultural backgrounds, or whether this is
a narrative form that is a unique expression for
Latino families and their preschool children.
Limitations
Given our small sample size, the analyses
and interpretations herein are exploratory and
deserve further attention in studies with a larger
group of families. However, we visited homes
to collect observational data, which affords a
richer picture of parent-child interaction than
questionaire data but is more diffi cult to collect.
We are attempting to test our fi ndings in other
samples of children from diverse cultural and
socioeconomic backgrounds and with larger
sample sizes. We would also like to acknowledge
that our study took a dyadic focus, which allowed
us to place an emphasis on the co-constructed
nature of narratives produced in parent-child
past-event converations, but this approach did
not allow us to isolate mothers’ or children’s
independent contributions to the conversations
or to children’s developing language and literacy
skills. Nevertheless, taking a dyadic approach
to our data was consistent with a view of the
developmental process as a spiral of mutual
accommodation and infl uence (Fivush, et
al., 2006), in which caregivers’ and children’s
participation in conversation about past events
embodies the process through which the child
acquires essential cognitive and linguistic skills
for learning to read.
The fi ndings presented here were also
constrained by a focus on concurrent measures
of mother and child interactions and skills. In
the future, we hope to conduct longitudinal
studies that will further our understanding of
the relationships among remininiscing, high-
Alison Sparks, Ana M. Carmiol and Marcela Ríos
Actualidades en Psicología, 27(115), 2013, 93-111
108
point narrative structure and children’s
language and literacy outcomes in families
from Latino backgrounds.
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Recibido: 15 de mayo de 2013
Aceptado: 21 de agosto de 2013
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110
Appendix 1
Story Retelling: Narrative Coding Scheme
Peter’s Chair (Keats, 1967)
Coding is divided into three parts:
• Propositions: Children receive one point for each utterance that represents the gist of a proposition,
or information unit.
• Features: each proposition is coded for the following narrative features; a proposition can receive
a maximum of one point per category/subcategory for a maximum of 9 points per proposition.
1. Evaluation-Not a part of original story propositions.
a) Descriptors-use of adjectives and adverbs to describe objects, actions or characters
Text: “He ran to his room”
Child’s Recall: “He ran to his room quick.”
Text: “Let’s paint the little chair pink.”
Child: “They painted the blue chair pink.”
b) Qualifi ers- use of adverbs or adjectives to amplify or intensify the intended meaning
Text: But he couldn’t fi t in his chair.”
Child’s Recall: “The chair’s way too small.”
c) Internal States- When children use words that refer to internal states including verbs that refer
to intentions or desires (e.g. like, think, want, etc.)
The child says: “Then he was mad.”
“He decided to take the chair.”
“She is thinking he left.”
2. Cohesion- Cohesive markers for time, location, and causality.
a) Temporal-In the beginning, fi rst, next, or last but not and or then.
b) Causal terms-Included justifi cations beginning with because or so that.
c) Character introduction-One point is given for specifi cally delineating a character from the
story for a maximum of 3 points (Susie or the baby, Dad, and Mom).
3. Reported Speech- created dialogue that was not in the story.
Text: “You have to play more quietly.”
Child: “His mum said, “Quiet.”
• Narrative Quality: the number of narrative features is totaled for an overall narrative quality score.
Narrative Structure and Emergent Literacy
Actualidades en Psicología, 27(115), 2013, 93-111
111
Appendix 2
High Point Narrative in Talk About Misbehavior
Spanish:
M: ¿Hay alguna otra vez que te hayas portado súper mal en otro lugar?
N: ¡Ay jamás!
M: ¿Vos nunca te portás mal?
N: No.
M: ¿Qué pasó con Victor el día que te regañó teacher?
N: A veces me porto mal pero ese día lo pellizqué.
M: ¡Ah! Y ¿qué? ¿Le quedó en el brazo algo? ¿se le vio el pellizco?
N: Le rompí la piel.
M: ¡Virgen de los Ángeles! y ¿Victor qué hizo?
N: Lloró. Le dijo a la teacher.
M: ¡Ah qué torta! Y ¿qué te dijo a vos?
N: Me dejó afuera de la clase unos minutitos y después me recogió y ya.
M: Y vos aprendiste a que no vas a volver a pellizcar a alguien.
N: ¡No!
M: ¡No pero tenés que decirme.
N: ¡Nop!
M: ¡Ah! Verdad que sí mejor los compañeritos no los maltratamos?
N: No mejor no.
M: ¡Qué dicha!
English:
M: Is there another time that you behaved really bad in another place?
C: Never!
M: You never behave badly?
C: No.
M: What happened with Victor that time that you were admonished by the teacher?
C: Sometimes I acted badly but that day I pinched him.
M: Ah! And what? You left something on his arm? You could see the mark?
C: I broke the skin.
M: Oh my god! And what did Victor do?
C: He cried. He told the teacher.
M: What a story! And what did the teacher say to you?
C: She left me outside the class for a bit and later she came to get me and that was it.
M: And did you learn not to pinch anyone again?
C: No!
M: No, but you must tell me.
C: Nope!
M: Ah! Isn’t it better not to mistreat your friends?
C: It’s better not to.
M: Wellsaid.
